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12 mars 2008 3 12 /03 /mars /2008 00:31

Après la confirmation par Robert Gates

Comment interpréter la démission de l’amiral William Fallon ?

mardi 11 mars 2008 - 22h27, par Chawki Freïha

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Le secrétaire d’Etat américain à la Défense, Robert Gates, a confirmé la démission du commandant en chef de l’armée américaine au Proche-Orient, l’amiral William Fallon. La rumeur affirmait, depuis plusieurs jours, que Fallon s’oppose à la politique de l’administration concernant l’Iran. Y a-t-il un lien entre cette démission, et la guerre annoncée dans la région ?

Le secrétaire d’Etat, Robert Gates, a confirmé ce mardi, que le commandant des armées américaines au Proche-Orient et en Asie mineure, l’amiral William Fallon, a demandé la possibilité de prendre sa retraite et que « sa demande a été acceptée avec regret ».

Cette démission - volontaire ou forcée - intervient quelques jours après la parution d’un article dans le magazine « Esquire » qui qualifiait Fallon comme « un opposant à la politique iranienne du président George Bush ». Selon l’auteur de l’analyse, « Fallon était hostile au recours à la force contre Téhéran », dans le cadre du bras de fer autour du programme nucléaire iranien.

Le général-adjoint Martin Dempsey, N°2 au Proche-Orient, assurerait l’intérim de William Fallon en attendant la nomination de son successeur et sa confirmation par le Sénat américain, souligne-t-on au Pentagone.

Mais au moment où les Etats-Unis déploient leur armada dans les eaux du Golfe et en Méditerranée, et au moment où les divisions se renforcent entre le camp chiite mené par l’Iran, la Syrie et le Hezbollah, avec leur prolongement à Gaza d’une part, et le monde sunnite mené par l’Arabie saoudite, l’Egypte et la Jordanie, d’autre part, il est légitime de s’interroger sur les réelles motivations de ce changement. La nomination d’un commandant des opérations moins hostile à l’utilisation de la force favorisera-t-il l’embrasement tant redouté, mais tant attendu, dans la région ?

Chawki Freïha

Sunday, March 09, 2008


Alan Note: Peacenik Admiral Fallon reportedly on his way out by summer. Thank Goodness!

Finally this top brass with no brass in his balls has outdated conceptions of anything that needs strong action BUT a strong desire to appease Iran, the source of most of our terror problems.

With him gone, there may yet be a hope that we will do the necessary in the MIddle East to save our American populace - including the idiot liberals who concurr with the deadbeat admiral and try to sabotage anti-terror activity.

As he did by refusing to send a third carrier fleet to show Iran we are serious. Expect the Mullahs to award him the title of "Sword of Islam" for his adamant contribution to their cause.

This dictatorial, fervently anti-Bush, apology for a military leader clearly did not have his ass kissed by Gen. Petraeus and thus was furious!

Read about this dhimmi and judge for yourselves! Even his Pakistan focused views are simply contrived obstacles to avoid doing anything else that's more urgent or contrary to his entrenched opinions.

By Gareth Porter


In sharp contrast to the lionisation of Gen. David Petraeus by members of the U.S. Congress during his testimony this week, Petraeus's superior, Admiral William Fallon, chief of the Central Command (CENTCOM), derided Petraeus as a sycophant during their first meeting in Baghdad last March, according to Pentagon sources familiar with reports of the meeting.Fallon told Petraeus that he considered him to be "an ass-kissing little chickenshit" and added, "I hate people like that", the sources say.

That remark reportedly came after Petraeus began the meeting by making remarks that Fallon interpreted as trying to ingratiate himself with a superior. That extraordinarily contentious start of Fallon's mission to Baghdad led to more meetings marked by acute tension between the two commanders. Fallon went on develop his own alternative to Petraeus's recommendation for continued high levels of U.S. troops in Iraq during the summer.

The enmity between the two commanders became public knowledge when the Washington Post reported Sep. 9 on intense conflict within the administration over Iraq.

The story quoted a senior official as saying that referring to "bad relations" between them is "the understatement of the century". Fallon's derision toward Petraeus reflected both the CENTCOM commander's personal distaste for Petraeus's style of operating and their fundamental policy differences over Iraq, according to the sources.

The policy context of Fallon's extraordinarily abrasive treatment of his subordinate was Petraeus's agreement in February to serve as front man for the George W. Bush administration's effort to sell its policy of increasing U.S. troop strength in Iraq to Congress.

In a highly unusual political role for an officer who had not yet taken command of a war, Petraeus was installed in the office of Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a Republican from Kentucky, in early February just before the Senate debated Bush's troop increase.

According to a report in The Washington Post Feb. 7, senators were then approached on the floor and invited to go McConnell's office to hear Petraeus make the case for the surge policy.

Fallon was strongly opposed to Petraeus's role as pitch man for the surge policy in Iraq adopted by Bush in December as putting his own interests ahead of a sound military posture in the Middle East and Southwest Asia -- the area for which Fallon's CENTCOM is responsible.

The CENTCOM commander believed the United States should be withdrawing troops from Iraq urgently, largely because he saw greater dangers elsewhere in the region. "He is very focused on Pakistan," said a source familiar with Fallon's thinking, "and trying to maintain a difficult status quo with Iran."

By the time Fallon took command of CENTCOM in March, Pakistan had become the main safe haven for Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda to plan and carry out its worldwide operations, as well as being an extremely unstable state with both nuclear weapons and the world's largest population of Islamic extremists.

Plans for continued high troop levels in Iraq would leave no troops available for other contingencies in the region. Fallon was reported by the New York Times to have been determined to achieve results "as soon as possible". (By leaving Iraq in defeat? Get a brain, Admiral.)

The notion of a long war, in contrast, seemed to connote an extended conflict in which Iraq was but a chapter.

Fallon also expressed great scepticism about the basic assumption underlying the surge strategy, which was that it could pave the way for political reconciliation in Iraq. (Wrong again, Admiral, it's coming).

In the lead story Sep. 9, The Washington Post quoted a "senior administration official" as saying that Fallon had been "saying from Day One, 'This isn't working.' "

One of Fallon's first moves upon taking command of CENTCOM was to order his subordinates to avoid the term "long war" -- a phrase Bush and Secretary of Defence Robert M. Gates had used to describe the fight against terrorism. (Not obeying and sabotaging your Commander in Chief is your way to operate in the military? Your hatred of Bush addled your brain more than it already was. No wonder you enjoyed having enemies).

Fallon was signaling his unhappiness with the policy of U.S. occupation of Iraq for an indeterminate period. Military sources explained that Fallon was concerned that the concept of a long war would alienate Middle East publics by suggesting that U.S. troops would remain in the region indefinitely.

During the summer, according to the Post Sep. 9 report, Fallon began to develop his own plans for redefine the U.S. mission in Iraq, including a plan for withdrawal of three-quarters of the U.S. troop strength by the end of 2009.

The conflict between Fallon and Petraeus over Iraq came to a head in early September. According to the Post story, Fallon expressed views on Iraq that were sharply at odds with those of Petraeus in a three-way conversation with Bush on Iraq the previous weekend.

Petraeus argued for keeping as many troops in Iraq for as long as possible to cement any security progress, but Fallon argued that a strategic withdrawal from Iraq was necessary to have sufficient forces to deal with other potential threats in the region.

Fallon's presentation to Bush of the case against Petraeus's recommendation for keeping troop levels in Iraq at the highest possible level just before Petraeus was to go public with his recommendations was another sign that Petraeus's role as chief spokesperson for the surge policy has created a deep rift between him and the nation's highest military leaders.

Bush presumably would not have chosen to invite an opponent of the surge policy to make such a presentation without lobbying by the top brass. Fallon had a "visceral distaste" for what he regarded as Petraeus's sycophantic behaviour in general, which had deeper institutional roots, according to a military source familiar with his thinking.

Fallon is a veteran of 35 years in the Navy, operating in an institutional culture in which an officer is expected to make enemies in the process of advancement.

"If you are Navy captain and don't have two or three enemies, you're not doing your job," says the source. Fallon acquired a reputation for a willingness to stand up to powerful figures during his tenure as commander in chief of the Pacific Command from February 2005 to March 2007.

He pushed hard for a conciliatory line toward China, which put him in conflict with senior military and civilian officials with a vested interest in pointing to China as a future rival and threat.

He demonstrated his independence from the White House (and his Commander in Chief) when he refused in February to go along with a proposal to send a third naval carrier task force to the Persian Gulf, as reported by IPS in May.

Fallon questioned the military necessity for the move, which would have signaled to Iran a readiness to go to war. Fallon also privately vowed that there would be no war against Iran on his watch, implying that he would quit rather than accept such a policy. (Bye, bye!)

A crucial element of Petraeus's path of advancement in the Army, on the other hand, was through serving as an aide to senior generals.

He was assistant executive officer to the Army Chief of Staff, Gen. Carl Vuono, and later executive assistant to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Gen. Henry Shelton. His experience taught him that cultivating senior officers is the key to success.

The contrasting styles of the two men converged with their conflict over Iraq to produce one of the most intense clashes between U.S. military leaders in recent history.

*Gareth Porter is an historian and national security policy analyst. His latest book, "Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam", was published in June 2005.


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Ne vous est-il jamais venu à l'esprit d'en savoir un peu plus sur le titre de ce blog ?

Puisque nous nous sommes aujourd'hui habillés de bleu, il conviendrait de rentrer plus a fond dans l'explication du mot lessakel.

En fait Lessakel n'est que la façon française de dire le mot léhasskil.

L'hébreu est une langue qui fonctionne en déclinant des racines.

Racines, bilitères, trilitères et quadrilitères.

La majorité d'entre elle sont trilitères.

Aussi Si Gad a souhaité appeler son site Lessakel, c'est parce qu'il souhaitait rendre hommage à l'intelligence.

Celle qui nous est demandée chaque jour.

La racine de l'intelligence est sé'hel שכל qui signifie l'intelligence pure.

De cette racine découlent plusieurs mots

Sé'hel > intelligence, esprit, raison, bon sens, prudence, mais aussi croiser

Léhasskil > Etre intelligent, cultivé, déjouer les pièges

Sé'hli > intelligent, mental, spirituel

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